Wednesday, May 30, 2018

Fusing Humans and Machines to Recognize Faces

A new article on the accuracy of facial recognition by humans and machines represents “the most comprehensive examination to date of face identification performance across groups of humans with variable levels of training, experience, talent, and motivation.” 1/ It concludes that the optimal performance comes from a “fusion” of man (or woman) and machine. But the meaning of “accuracy” and “fusion” are not necessarily what one might think.

Researchers from NIST, The University of Texas at Dallas, the University of Maryland, and the University of New South Wales displayed “highly challenging” pairs of face images to individuals with and without training in matching images, and to “deep convolutional neural networks” (DCNNs) that trained themselves to classify images as being from the same source or from different sources.

The Experiment
Twenty pairs of pictures (12 same-source and 8 different-source pairs) were presented to the following groups:
  • 57 forensic facial examiners (“professionals trained to identify faces in images and videos [for use in court] using a set of tools and procedures that vary across forensic laboratories”);
  • 30 forensic facial reviewers (“trained to perform faster and less rigorous identifications [for] generating leads in criminal cases”);
  • 13 super-recognizers (“untrained people with strong skills in face recognition”);
  • 31 undergraduate students; and
  • 4 DCNNs (“deep convolutional neural networks” developed between 2015 and 2017”).
Students took the test in a single session, while the facial examiners, reviewers, super-recognizers, and fingerprint examiners had three months to complete the test. They all expressed degrees of confidence that each pair showed the same person as opposed to two different people. (+3 meant that “the observations strongly support that it is the same person”; –3 meant that “the observations strongly support that it is not the same person”). The computer programs generated “similarity scores” that were transformed to the same seven-point scale.

Comparisons of the Groups
To compare the performance of the groups, the researchers relied on a statistic known as AUC (or, more precisely, AUROC, for “Area Under the Receiver Operating Characteristic” curve). AUROC combines two more familiar statistics—the true-positive (TP) proportion and the false-positive (FP) proportion—into one number. In doing so, it pays no heed to the fact that a false-positive may be more costly than a false negative. A simple way to think about the number is this: The AUROC of a classifier is equal to the probability that the classifier will rank a randomly chosen pair of images higher when they originate from the same source than when the pair come from two different sources. That is,

AUROC = P(score|same > score|different)

Because making up scores at random would be expected to be correct in this sense about half the time, an AUROC of 0.5 means that, overall, the classifier’s scores are useless for distinguishing between same-source and different-source pairs. AUROCs greater than 0.5 indicate better overall classifications, but the value for the area generally does not translate into the more familiar (and more easily comprehended) measures of accuracy such as the sensitivity (the true-positive probability) and specificity (the true-negative probability) of a classification test. See Box 1. Basically, the larger the AUROC, the better the scores are--in some overall sense--in discriminating between same-source and and different-source pairs. 

Now that we have some idea of what the AUROC signifies (corrections are welcome—I do not purport to be an expert on signal detection theory), let’s see how the different groups of classifiers did. The median performance of each group was
A2017b:░░░░░░░░░░ 0.96
facial examiners:░░░░░░░░░ 0.93
facial reviewers:░░░░░░░░░ 0.87
A2017a:░░░░░░░░░ 0.85
super-recognizers:░░░░░░░░ 0.83
A2106:░░░░░░░░ 0.76
fingerprint examiners:░░░░░░░░ 0.76
A2015:░░░░░░░ 0.68
students:░░░░░░░ 0.68
Again, these are medians. Roughly half the classifiers in each group had higher AUROCs, and half had lower ones. (The automated systems A2015, A2016, A2017a, and A2017b had only one ROC, and hence only one AUROC.) “Individual accuracy varied widely in all [human] groups. All face specialist groups (facial examiners, reviewers, and super-recognizers) had at least one participant with an AUC below the median of the students. At the top of the distribution, all but the student group had at least one participant with no errors.”

Using the distribution of student UAROCs (fitted to a normal distribution), the authors reported the fraction of participants in each group who scored above the student 95th percentile as follows:
facial examiners:░░░░░░░░░░░ 53%
super-recognizers:░░░░░░░░░ 46%
facial reviewers:░░░░░░░ 36%
fingerprint examiners:░░░ 17%
The best computerized system, A2017b, had a higher AUROC than 73% of the face specialists. To put it another way, “35% of examiners, 13% of reviewers, and 23% of superrecognizers were more accurate than A2017b,” which “was equivalent to a student at the 98th percentile.”

But none of the preceding reveals how often the classifications based on the scores would be right or wrong. Buried in an appendix to the article (and reproduced below in Box 2) are estimates of “the error rates associated with judgments of +3 and −3 [obtained by computing] the fraction of high-confidence same-person (+3) ratings made to different identity face pairs” and estimates of “the probability of same identity pairs being assigned a −3.” The table indicates that facial examiners who were very confident usually were correct, expressing maximum confidence less than 1% of the time for same-source pairs (false positives) and less than 2% of the time for different-source pairs (false negatives). Students made these errors a little more than 7% and 14% of the time, respectively.

Fusion
The article promises to “show the benefits of a collaborative effort that combines the judgments of humans and machines.” It describes the method for ascertaining whether “a colloborative effort” improves performance as follows:
We examined the effectiveness of combining examiners, reviewers, and superrecognizers with algorithms. Human judgments were fused with each of the four algorithms as follows. For each face image pair, an algorithm returned a similarity score that is an estimate of how likely it is that the images show the same person. Because the similarity score scales differ across algorithms, we rescaled the scores to the range of human ratings (SI Appendix, SI Text). For each face pair, the human rating and scaled algorithm score were averaged, and the AUC was computed for each participant–algorithm fusion.
Unless I am missing something, there was no collaboration between human and machine. Each did their own thing. A number midway between the separate similarity scores on each pair produced a larger area under the ROC than either set of separate scores. To the extent that “Fusing Humans and Machines” conjures images of cyborgs, it seems a bit much. The more modest point is that a very simple combination of scores of a human and a machine classifier works better (with respect to AUROC as a measure of success) than either one alone.

BOX 1. THE ROC CURVE AND ITS AREA

Suppose that we were to take a score of +1 or more as sufficient to classify a pair of images as originating from the same source. Some of these classifications would be incorrect (contributing to the false-positive (FP) proportion for this decision threshold), and some would be correct (contributing to the true-positive (TP) proportion). Of course, the threshold for the classification could be set at other scores. The ROC curve is simply a plot of the points (TPP[score], FPP[score]) for the person or machine scoring the pairs of images for the many possible decision thresholds.

For example, if the threshold score for a positive classification were set higher than all the reported scores, there would no declared positives. Both the false positive and the true positive proportions would be zero. At the other extreme, if the threshold score were placed at the bottom of the scale, all the classifications would be positive. Hence, every same-source pair would be classified positively, as would every different-source pair. Both the TPP and the FPP would be 1. A so-called random classifier, in which the scores have no correlation to the actual source of images, would be expected to produce a straight line connecting these points (0,0) and (1,1). A more useful classifier would have a curve with mostly higher points, as shown in the sketch below.

      TPP (sensitivity)
     1 |           *   o
       |       *
       |           o
       |   
       +   *   o
       |                   o Random (worthless) classifier
       |   o               * Better classifier (AUC > 0.5)
       |                         
       o---+------------ FPP (1 – specificity)
                       1
An AUROC of, say, 0.75, does not mean that 75% of the classifications (using a particular score as the threshold for declaring a positive association) are correct. Neither does it mean that 75% is the sensitivity or specificity when using a given score as a decision threshold. Nor does not mean that 25% is the false-positive or the false-negative proportion. Instead, how many classifications are correct at a given score threshold depends on: (1) the specificity at that score threshold, (2) the specificity at that score threshold, and (3) the proportion of same-source and different-source pairs in the sample or population of pairs.

Look at the better classifier in the graph (the one whose operating characteristics are indicated by the asterisks). Consider the score implicit in the asterisk above the little tick-mark on the horizontal axis and across from the mark on the vertical axis. The FPP there is 0.2, so the specificity is 0.8. The sensitivity is the height of the better ROC curve at that implicit score threshold. The height of that asterisk is 0.5. The better classifier with that threshold makes correct associations only half the time when confronted with same-source pairs and 80% of the time when presented with different-source pairs. When shown 20 pairs, 12 of which are from the same face, as in the experiment discussed here, the better classifier is expected to make 50% × 12 = 6 correct positive classifications and 80% × 8 = 6.4 correct negative classifications. The overall expected percentage of correct classifications is therefore 12.4/20 = 62% rather than 75%.

The moral of the arithmetic: The area under the ROC is not so readily related to the accuracy of the classifier for particular similarity scores. (It is more helpful in describing how well the classifier generally ranks a same-source pair relative to a different-source pair.) 2/


BOX 2. "[T]he estimate qˆ for the error rate and the upper and lower limits of the 95% confidence interval." (From Table S2)
GroupEstimate0.95 CI
Type of Error: False Positive (+3 on different faces)
Facial Examiners0.9%0.002 to 0.022
Facial Reviewers1.2%0.003 to 0.036
Super-recognizers1.0%0.0002 to 0.052
Fingerprint Examiners3.8%0.022 to 0.061
Students7.3%0.044 to 0.112
Type of Error: False Negative (-3 on same faces)
Facial Examiners1.8%0.009 to 0.030
Facial Reviewers1.4%0.005 to 0.032
Super-recognizers5.1%0.022 to 0.099
Fingerprint Examiners3.3%0.021 to 0.050
Students14.5%0.111 to 0.185



UPDATES
June 9, 2018: Corrections and additions made in response to comments from Hari Iyer.
NOTES
  1. P.J. Phillips, A.N. Yates, Y. Hu, C.A. Hahn, E. Noyes, K. Jackson, J.G. Cavazos, G. Jeckeln, R. Ranjan, S. Sankaranarayanan, J.-C. Chen, C.D. Castillo, R. Chellappa, D. White and A.J. O’Toole. Face Recognition Accuracy of Forensic Examiners, Superrecognizers, and Algorithms. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, Published online May 28, 2018. DOI: 10.1073/pnas.1721355115
  2. As Hari Iyer put it in response to the explanation in Box 1, "given a randomly chosen observation x1 belonging to class 1, and a randomly chosen observation x0 belonging to class 0, the (empirical) AUC is the estimated probability that the evaluated classification algorithm will assign a higher score to x1 than to x0." For a proof, see Alexej Gossman, Probabilistic Interpretation of AUC, Jan. 25, 2018, http://www.alexejgossmann.com/auc/. A geometric proof can be found in Matthew Drury, The Probabilistic Interpretation of AUC, in Scatterplot Smoothers, Jun 21, 2017, http://madrury.github.io/jekyll/update/statistics/2017/06/21/auc-proof.html.

Saturday, May 26, 2018

Against Method: ACE-V, Reproducibility, and Now Preproducibility

Forensic-science practitioners like to describe their activities as scientific. Indeed, if the work they did were not scientific, how could one say that they were practicing forensic science?

Thus, one finds textbooks with impressive titles like "Forensic Comparative Science" devoted to “[t]he comparative science disciplines of finger prints, firearm/tool marks, shoe prints/tire prints, documents and handwriting,” and more. 1/ The practitioners of these "science disciplines" describe their work as "analogous to scientific method of critically observing details in images, determining similarities or differences in the data, performing comparative measurements to experiment whether the details in the images actually agree or disagree," and so on. 2/ They insist that they follow a multistep process that "is a scientific methodology" for "hypothesis testing"3/ — even if the process lacks any defined threshold for deciding when perceived (or even objectively measured) features are sufficiently similar or different to reach a conclusion.

An entire article in the Journal of Forensic Identification — “a scientific journal that provides more than 100 pages of articles related to forensics ... written by forensic authorities from around the world who are practitioners or academics in forensic science fields” 4/ — is devoted to demonstrating that “[a]nalysis, comparison, evaluation, and verification (ACE-V) is a scientific methodology that is part of the scientific method.” 5/ The abstract observes that
Several publications have attempted to explain ACE-V as a scientific method or its role within the scientific method, but these attempts are either not comprehensive or not explicit. This article ... outlines the scientific method as a seven-step process. The scientific method is discussed using the premises of uniqueness, persistence, and classifiability. Each step of the scientific method is addressed specifically as it applies to friction ridge impression examination in casework. It is important for examiners to understand and apply the scientific method, including ACE-V, and be able to articulate this method. 6/
The Scientific Working Group on Friction Ridge Analysis, Study, and Technology (SWGFAST) agreed, urging examiners to write in their reports that ACE-V is nothing less than “[t]he acronym for a scientific method: Analysis, Comparison, Evaluation, and Verification.” 7/

It is revealing to contrast such assertions with comments on the meaning of reproducibility in science that appear in an essay published this week in Nature. There, Philip Stark, the Associate Dean of the Division of Mathematical and Physical Sciences and Professor of Statistics at the University of California (Berkeley), noted that reproducibility means different things in different fields, but pointed to “preproducibility” as a  prerequisite to reproducibility:
An experiment or analysis is preproducible if it has been described in adequate detail for others to undertake it. ... The distinction between a preproducible scientific report and current common practice is like the difference between a partial list of ingredients and a recipe. To bake a good loaf of bread, it isn’t enough to know that it contains flour. It isn’t even enough to know that it contains flour, water, salt and yeast. The brand of flour might be omitted from the recipe with advantage, as might the day of the week on which the loaf was baked. But the ratio of ingredients, the operations, their timing and the temperature of the oven cannot.

Given preproducibility — a ‘scientific recipe’ — we can attempt to make a similar loaf of scientific bread. If we follow the recipe but do not get the same result, either the result is sensitive to small details that cannot be controlled, the result is incorrect or the recipe was not precise enough ... . 8/
Descriptions of procedures for subjective pattern-matching in traditional forensic science are much like the list of ingredients. There are no quantitative instructions for how many and which of the potentially distinguishing features to use and how long to process or cook these ingredients at each step of the process. Indeed, it is even worse than that. Even though trained examiners know what ingredients to choose from, they can pick any subset of them that they think could be effective for the case at hand. Thus, although ACE-V can be described as a series of steps within "a broadly stated framework," 9/ that does not make it a “scientific recipe.” Imprecision at every step deprives it of  "preproducibility." It might be called a "process" rather than a "method," 10/ but in the end, “ACE-V is an acronym, not a methodology." 11/

It does not follow, however, that the comparisons and conclusions are of no epistemic value or that they cannot be studied scientifically. Quite the contrary. Unlike the natural sciences, the absence of preproducibility does not preclude reproducibilty. Another laboratory expert can start with the same materials to be compared, and we can see if the outcome is the same. Moreover, we can even conduct blind tests of examiner performance to determine how accurately criminalists are able to classify traces originating from the same source and traces coming from different sources.

Such validation studies show that latent print examiners, for example, have real expertise, but these findings do not mean that expert examiners are following a particularly “scientific method” in making their judgments. Psychologists report that some individuals are phenomenally accurate in recognizing faces, 12/ but that does not mean that the “super recognizers” are using a well-defined, or indeed, any kind of scientific procedure to accomplish these feats. The training and experience that criminalists receive may include instruction in facts and principles of biology and physics, and their performance may be generally accurate and reliable, but that does not mean that they are applying a scientific method. A flow chart is not a scientific test.

Until criminalists can articulate and follow a preproducible procedure, they should not present their work as deeply scientific. In court, they can explain that scientists have studied the nature of the patterns they analyze. They can refer to any well-designed studies proving that subjective pattern-matching by trained analysts can be valid and reliable. They can vouch for the fact that criminalists have been making side-by-side comparisons for a long time. If courts are persuaded that the resulting individual opinions are helpful, then skilled witnesses can give those opinions. But such opinions should not be gussied up as a scientific method of hypothesis testing. 13/ As one critic of such rhetoric explained, "forensic science could show that it does have validation, certification, accreditation, oversight, and  basic  research  without  showing  that  it  uses  the  'scientific method.'" 14/

NOTES
  1. John R. Vanderkolk, Forensic Comparative Science xii (2009).
  2. Id. at 90.
  3. M. Reznicek, R.M. Ruth & D.M. Schilens, ACE-V and the Scientific Method, 60 J. Forensic Identification 87, 87 (2010). See also Michele Triplett & Lauren Cooney, The Etiology of ACE-V and its Proper Use: An Exploration of the Relationship Between ACE-V and the Scientific Method of Hypothesis Testing, 56 J. Forensic Identification 345, 353 (2006), http://www.fprints.nwlean.net/JFI.pdf (“ACE-V is synonymous with hypothesis testing. A more in-depth understanding of scientific methodology can be found by reading the works of well-known scientists and philosophers such as Aristotle, Isaac Newton, Francis Bacon, Galileo Galilei, and Karl Popper, to name just a few.”).
  4. Abstract of Journal of Forensic Identification (JFI), https://www.theiai.org/publications/jfi.php, accessed May 25, 2018.
  5. Reznicek et al., supra note 3, at 87.
  6. Id. The Department of Justice has retreated from this phrasing, preferring to call “an examiner’s belief” an “inductive inference . . . made in a logical and scientifically defensible manner.” Department of Justice, Approved Uniform Language for Testimony and Reports for the Forensic Latent Print Discipline, Feb. 22, 2018, at 2 & 2 n.2, https://www.justice.gov/file/1037171/download.
  7. Scientific Working Group on Friction Ridge Analysis, Study, and Technology, Standard for Reporting Friction Ridge Examinations (Latent/Tenprint), Appendix, at 4 n.2, 2012, https://www.nist.gov/sites/default/files/documents/2016/10/26/swgfast_standard_reporting_2.0_121124.pdf (emphasis added).
  8. Philip B. Stark, Before Reproducibility must Come Preproducibility, 557 Nature 613 (2018), doi: 10.1038/d41586-018-05256-0, https://www.nature.com/articles/d41586-018-05256-0.
  9. Comm. on Identifying the Needs of the Forensic Sci. Cmty., Nat'l Research Council, Strengthening Forensic Science in the United States: A Path Forward 142 (2009).
  10. Michele Triplett, Is ACE-V a Process or a Method?, IDentification News, June/July 2012, at 5–6, http://www.fprints.nwlean.net/ProcessOrMethod.pdf.
  11. Sandy L. Zabell, Fingerprint Evidence, 13 J. L. & Pol'y 143, 178 (2005).
  12. Richard Russell, Brad Duchaine, and Ken Nakayama, Super-recognizers: People with Extraordinary Face Recognition Ability, 16 Psychonomic Bull. and Rev. 252 (2009), doi: 10.3758/PBR.16.2.252.
  13. David H. Kaye, How Daubert and Its Progeny Have Failed Criminalistics Evidence, and a Few Things the Judiciary Could Do About It, 86 Fordham L. Rev. 1639 (2018), https://ssrn.com/abstract=3084881.
  14. Simon A. Cole, Acculturating Forensic Science: What Is ‘Scientific Culture’, and How Can Forensic Science Adopt It?, 38 Fordham Urb. L.J. 436, 451 (2010).

Monday, May 21, 2018

Firearms Toolmark Testimony: Looking Back and Forward

By inspecting toolmarks on bullets or spent cartridge cases, firearms examiners can supply valuable information on whether a particular gun fired the ammunition in question. But the limits on this information have not always been respected in court, and a growing number of opinions have tried to address this fact. A forthcoming article in a festschrift for Professor Paul Giannelli surveys the developing law on this type of feature-matching evidence.

The article explains how the courts have moved from a position of skepticism of the ability of examiners to link bullets and other ammunition components to a particular gun to full-blown acceptance of identification “to the exclusion of all other firearms.” From that apogee, challenges to firearm-mark evidence over the past decade or so, have generated occasional restrictions on the degree of confidence that firearms experts can express in court, but they have not altered the paradigm of making source attributions and exclusions instead of statements about the degree to which the evidence supports these conclusions. After reviewing the stages in the judicial reception of firearm-mark evidence, including the reactions to reports from the National Academy of Sciences and the President's Council of Advisors on Science and Technology, the article concludes by describing a more scientific, quantitative, evidence-based form of testimony that should supplant or augment the current experience-based decisions of skilled witnesses. A few excerpts follow:
From: David H. Kaye, Firearm-Mark Evidence: Looking Back and Looking Ahead, Case Western Reserve Law Review (forthcoming Vol. 68, Issue 3, 2018) (most footnotes omitted)

* * *
I. Rejection of Expert Source Attributions
For a time, courts did not admit testimony that items originated from a particular firearm. Some courts reasoned that jurors could make the comparisons and draw their own conclusions. In People v. Weber, for example, the trial court struck from the record an examiner’s testimony “that in his opinion the two bullets taken from the bodies were fired from this pistol, leaving that as a question for the jury to determine by an inspection of the bullets themselves.” In this 1904 trial, the court did not question the expert’s ability to discover toolmarks that could be probative of identity, but it saw no reason to believe that the expert would be better than lay jurors at drawing inferences from that information. Other courts allowed such opinions, but not if they were stated as “facts.” * * *

IV. Heightened Scrutiny Following the 2009 NAS Report
* * *
Neither the 2008 nor the 2009 NAS report made recommendations on admissibility of evidence, for that was not part of their charge. Practitioners and prosecutors proposed that this meant that the reports should or could not be taken as undermining the admissibility of traditional highly judgmental pattern-matching identifications. However, the committees’ reviews of the literature clearly lent credence to the questions about the routine admission of categorical source attributions based on firearm-marks. 50/ In five prominent published opinions, courts cited the NAS reports and the opinions cited in Part III of this Article to limit such testimony. * * *

50. For example, in describing the scientific basis of “forensic science fields like firearms examination,” the 2008 report quoted with approval an article by two forensic scientists stating that “[f]orensic individualization sciences that lack actual data, which is most of them, . . . simply . . . assume the conclusion of a miniscule probability of a coincidental match . . . .” [Nat'l Research Council Comm. To Assess the Feasibility, Accuracy, and Tech. Capability of a Nat'l Ballistics Database, Ballistic Imaging 1, 54-55 (Daniel L. Cork et al., eds. 2008)] (quoting John I. Thornton & Joseph L. Peterson, The General Assumptions and Rationale of Forensic Identification, in 3 David L. Faigman, David H. Kaye, Michael J. Saks, & Joseph Sanders, Modern Scientific Evidence: the Law and Science of Expert Testimony § 24-7.2, at 169 (2002)). Apparently recognizing the threat of such assessments, AFTE complained that the committees’ literature reviews were shallow. In response to the 2008 Report, it wrote that “the committee lacked the expertise and information necessary for the in-depth study that would be required to offer substantive statements with regard to these fundamental issues of firearm and toolmark identification.” [AFTE Comm. for the Advancement of the Sci. of Firearm & Toolmark Identification, The Response of the Association of Firearm and Tool Mark Examiners to the National Academy of Sciences 2008 Report Assessing the Feasibility, Accuracy, and Technical Capability of a National Ballistics Database, AFTE J., Summer 2008, at 243, available at https://afte.org/uploads/documents/position-nas-2008.pdf 243]. Likewise, it wrote that “the [2009] NAS committee in effect chose to ignore extensive research supporting the scientific underpinnings of the identification of firearm and toolmark evidence.” AFTE Comm. for the Advancement of the Sci. of Firearm & Toolmark Identification, The Response of the Association of Firearms and Tool Mark Examiners to the February 2009 National Academy of Science Report “Strengthening Forensic Science in the United States: A Path Forward,” AFTE J., Summer 2009, at 204, 206. According to AFTE, “years of empirical research . . . conclusively show[] that sufficient individuality is often present on tool (firearm tools or non-firearm tools) working surfaces to permit a trained examiner to conclude that a toolmark was made by a certain tool and that there is no credible possibility that it was made by any other tool working surface.” AFTE Comm. Response, supra * * * , at 242. After all, “[t]he principles and techniques utilized in forensic firearms identification have been used internationally for nearly a century by the relevant forensic science community to both identify and exclude specific firearms as the source of fired bullets and cartridge cases.” Id. at 237 (emphasis added). Prosecutors too sought to blunt the implications of the skeptical statements about the limited validation of the premises of the traditional theory of firearm-mark identification with an affidavit from the chairman of the NAS committee that wrote the 2008 Report. Affidavit of John E. Rolph at 1-3, United States v. Edwards, No. F-516-01 (D.C. Super. Ct., May 23, 2008). Yet, the affidavit merely collects excerpts from the report itself and ends with one that could be read as supporting admissibility under certain conditions. For another affidavit from a committee member contending that NAS “has questioned the validity of these fundamental assumptions of uniqueness and reproducibility,” see Declaration of Alicia Carriquiry, PhD. In Support of Motion in Limine to Exclude Firearms Examiner’s Opinion at 5, People v. Knight, No. LA067366 (Cal. Super. Ct. Apr. 2012). The use of affidavits of one or two committee members to give their personal views on what the words that the committee as a whole agreed upon is ill-advised. It resembles asking individual members of Congress to provide their post hoc thoughts on what a committee report on legislation, or the statute itself, really meant.
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Sunday, April 8, 2018

On the Difficulty of Latent Fingerprint Examinations

This morning the Office of Justice Programs of the Department of Justice circulated an email mentioning a “New Article: Defining the Difficulty of Fingerprint Comparisons.” The article, written a couple of weeks ago, is from the DOJ’s National Institute of Justice (NIJ). [1] It summarizes an NIJ-funded study that was completed two years ago. [2] The researchers published findings on their attempt to measure difficulty in the online science journal PLOS One four years ago. [3]

The “New Article” explains that
[T]he researchers asked how capable fingerprint examiners are at assessing the difficulty of the comparisons they make. Can they evaluate the difficulty of a comparison? A related question is whether latent print examiners can tell when a print pair is difficult in an objective sense; that is, whether it would broadly be considered more or less difficult by the community of examiners.
The first of these two questions asks whether examiners’ subjective assessments of difficulty are generally accurate. To answer this question, one needs an independent, objective criterion for difficulty. If the examiners’ subjective assessments of difficulty line up with the objective measure, then we can say that examiners are capable of assessing difficulty.

Notice that agreement among examiners on what is difficult and what is easy would not transform subjective assessments of difficulty into “objective” ones—anymore than the fact that a particular supermodel would “broadly be considered” beautiful would make her beautiful “in an objective sense.” It would simply mean that there is inter-subjective agreement within a culture. One should not mistake inter-examiner reliability for objectivity.

In psychometrics, a simple measure of the difficulty of a question on a test is the proportion of test-takers who answer correctly. [4] Of course, “difficulty” could have other meanings. It might be that test-takers would think that one item is more difficult than another even though, after struggling with it, they did just as well as they had on an item that they (reliably) rated as much easier. A criterion for difficulty in this sense might be the length of time a test-taker devotes to the question. But the correct-answer criterion is appropriate in the fingerprint study because the research is directed at finding a method of identifying those subjective conclusions that are most likely to be correct (or incorrect).

NIJ’s new article also mentions the hotly disputed issue of whether error probabilities, as estimated by the performance of examiners making a specific set of comparisons, should be applied to a single examiner in a given case. One would think the answer is that as long as the conditions of the experiments are informative of what can happen in practice, group means are the appropriate starting point—recognizing that they are subject to adjustment by the factfinder for individualized determinations about the acuity of the examiner and the difficulty of the task at hand. However, prosecutors have argued that the general statistics are irrelevant to weighing the case-specific conclusions from their experts. The NIJ article states that
The researchers noted that being aware that some fingerprint comparisons are highly accurate whereas others may be prone to error, “demonstrates that error rates are indeed a function of comparison difficulty.” “Because error rates can be tied to comparison difficulty,” they said, “it is misleading to generalize when talking about an overall error rate for the field.”
But the assertion that “it is misleading to generalize when talking about an overall error rate for the field” cannot be found in the 59-page document. When I searched for the string “generalize,” no such sentence appeared. When I searched for “misleading,” I found the following paragraph (p. 51):
The mere fact that some fingerprint comparisons are highly accurate whereas others are prone to error has a wide range of implications. First, it demonstrates that error rates are indeed a function of comparison difficulty (as well as other factors), and it is therefore very limited (and can even be misleading) to talk about an overall “error rate” for the field as a whole. In this study, more than half the prints were evaluated with perfect accuracy by examiners, while one print was misclassified by 91 percent of those examiners evaluating it. Numerous others were also misclassified by multiple examiners. This experiment provides strong evidence that prints do vary in difficulty and that these variations also affect the likelihood of error.
As always, the inability to condition on relevant variables with unknown values “can be misleading” when making an estimate or prediction. But this fact about statistics does not make an overall mean irrelevant. Knowing that there is a high overall rate of malaria in a country is at least somewhat useful in deciding whether to take precautions against malaria when visiting that country—even though a more finely grained analysis of the specific locales within the country could be more valuable. That said, when a difficulty-adjusted estimate of a probability of error becomes available, requiring it to be presented to the triers of fact instead of the group mean would be a sound approach to the relevance objection.

The experiments described in the report to NIJ are fascinating in many respects. In the long run, the ideas and findings could lead to better estimates of accuracy (error rates) for use in court. More immediately, one can ask how the error rates seen in these experiments compare to earlier findings (reviewed in the report and on this blog). But it is hard to make meaningful comparisons. In the first of the three experiments in the NIJ-funded research, 56 examiners were recruited from participants in the 2011 IAI Educational Conference. These examiners (a few of whom were not latent-print examiners) made forced judgments with a time constraint about the association (positive or negative) of many pairs of prints. The following classification table can be inferred from the text of the report:

Truly Positive Truly Negative
Positive Reported 985 37
Negative Reported 163 1107
Total 1148 1144

The observed sensitivity, P(say + | is +), across the examiners and comparisons was 985/1148 = 85.8%, and the observed specificity, P(say – | is –), was 1107/1144 = 96.8%. The corresponding conditional error proportions are 14.2% for false negatives and 3.2% for false positives. These error rates are higher than those in other research, but in those experiments, the examiners could declare a comparison to be inconclusive and did not have to make a finding within a fixed time. These constraints were modified in a subsequent experiment in the NIJ-funded study, but the report does not provide a sufficient description to produce a complete table.

References
1. National Institute of Justice, “Defining the Difficulty of Fingerprint Comparisons,” March 22, 2018, NIJ.gov: https://nij.gov/topics/forensics/evidence/impression/Pages/defining-difficulty-of-fingerprint-comparisons.aspx

2. Jennifer Mnookin, Philip J. Kellman, Itiel Dror, Gennady Erlikhman, Patrick Garrigan, Tandra Ghose, Everett Metler, & Dave Charlton, Error Rates for Latent Fingerprinting as a Function of Visual Complexity and Cognitive Difficulty, May 2016, https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/249890.pdf

3. Philip J. Kellman, Jennifer L. Mnookin, Gennady Erlikhman, Patrick Garrigan, Tandra Ghose, Everett Mettler, David Charlton, & Itiel E. Dror, Forensic Comparison and Matching of Fingerprints: Using Quantitative Image Measures for Estimating Error Rates through Understanding and Predicting Difficulty, PLOS One, May 2, 2014, https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0094617

4. Frederic M. Lord, The Relationship of the Reliability of Multiple-Choice Test to the Distribution of Item Difficulties, 18 Psychometrika 181 (1952).

Friday, March 16, 2018

Likelihood Ratios for Amelia Earhart

Early in the morning of July 2, 1937, Amelia Earhart took off in her twin-engine Lockheed 10E Electra from Papua New Guinea. She was in the midst of a sensational attempt to circle the globe. Her immediate destination was Howland Island. She planned to refuel at this tiny mound. She never made it. The wreckage of her plane and the remains of either Earhart or the navigator who accompanied her have never been located. Or have they?

Earhart probably ran out of fuel while searching for Howland Island. But where? Nikumaroro Island lies some 350 nautical miles south of Howland. Bones found on this uninhabited coral ring in 1939 and sent to Fiji for examination (and now lost) were measured in 1941 by a physician who concluded that they probably belonged to a 45- to 55-year-old male who was around five-and-a-half feet tall.

However, an early release of an article by University of Tennessee anthropologist Richard Jantz, in the University of Florida's new journal, Forensic Anthropology, rejects this conclusion. Arguing that that the skeletal features for sex determination at the time were only weakly probative, Professor Jantz maintains that in 1941, the examiner “could easily have been presented with morphology that he considered male, even though it may have been female.” 1/

As to the lengths of the bones, Dr. Jantz compares estimates for Earhart (inferred from photographs and clothing) with the reported lengths of the Nikumaroro bones using a statistic known as the Mahalanobis distance. By this distance measure for multivariate data, Earhart is more similar to the Nikumaroro bones than 99% of individuals in a sample of bones from 2,776 other people. The sample is not clearly described in the article, but it is well known to forensic anthropologists, and “Jantz told Fox News that 2,776 individuals used in the reference group were all Americans of European ancestry [who] lived during the last half of the 19th century and most of the 20th century ... .” 2/

With respect to this sample, Jantz wrote that:
Earhart’s rank is 19, meaning that 2,758 (99.28%) individuals have a greater distance from the Nikumaroro bones than Earhart, but only 18 (0.65%) have a smaller distance. The rank is subject to sampling variation, so I conducted 1,000 bootstraps of the 2,776 distances, omitting Earhart, then replacing her to determine her rank. Her rank ranged from 9 to 34, the 95% confidence intervals ranging from 12 to 29. If we take the maximum rank resulting from 1,000 bootstraps, 98.77% of the distances are greater and only 1.19% are smaller. If these numbers are converted to likelihood ratios as described by Gardner and Greiner (2006), one obtains 154 using her rank as 19, or 84 using the maximum bootstrap rank of 34. The likelihood ratios mean that the Nikumaroro bones are at least 84 times more likely to belong to Amelia Earhart than to a random individual who ended up on the island.
Let's not get bogged down in the details of the distance measure, bootstrapping, and the conversion to a likelihood ratio. 3/ There is a broader point to note. A likelihood ratio of at least 84 hardly means that “the Nikumaroro bones are at least 84 times more likely to belong to Amelia Earhart than to a random individual” — or even to a random Caucasian-American of the relevant time period. Likelihoods are measures of statistical support for a claim like the one that the particular bones are those of Amelia Earhart. The ratio indicates how much the bone-length data support the Earhart source hypothesis as contrasted to the support those data provide for random-Caucasian-American source hypothesis.

Relative support contributes to the odds in favor of a hypothesis, but it does not express those odds directly. Suppose I pick a coin at random from a box that contains one trick coin (it has heads on both sides) and 128 fair coins. I flip the coin seven times and observe seven heads. The likelihood ratio for the hypotheses of the trick coin as opposed to a fair coin is the probability of the data (seven out of seven heads) for the trick coin divided by the probability for a fair coin. The value of ratio therefore is 1 / (1/2)7 = 1 / (1/128) = 128. But the odds that it is a trick coin are nowhere near 128 to 1. They are 1 to 1. Because it is no more probable that the coin is a trick coin than a fair one, I cannot even say that the preponderance of the statistical evidence favors the trick-coin hypothesis. See Box 1.
Box 1. The Odds on the Trick Coin

Consider what would happen if we repeated the coin picking and tossing experiment 129 times (replacing the picked coin each time). We expect to pick the trick coin from the box only once and hence to see seven heads for that reason one time in 129. We expect to pick fair coins the other 128 times. We also expect that one of the 128 seven-flip tests of these fair coins will produce seven heads. Observing seven heads does not prove that the coin is more likely to be a trick coin than a fair one. We should post the same odds on each hypothesis about the coin. (This heuristic argument easily could be replaced with a more rigorous proof using Bayes' rule.)


Unfortunately, the statement that “the Nikumaroro bones are at least 84 times more likely to belong to Amelia Earhart than to a random individual” sounds like an assertion that the odds on Earhart as opposed to “a random individual” are at least 84 to 1. Mathematically, if there were no other possibilities to consider, these posterior odds would mean that the probability that the bones are Earhart’s is at least 84/(84+1) = 0.988, or just about 99%. If the probability that the bones are from a member of some other ancestral group (such as Micronesians) is, say, 1/10, then the probability for Earhart would decline to 0.889 (about 89%). See Box 2.
Box 2. Going from the Odds of Two Non-exhaustive Hypotheses to a Probability

Let E denote the event that the bones are Earhart’s, let R be the event that they are “a random individual” (among all Caucasian Americans of the time) and let X be the event that they come from someone else. Also, let p, r, and x be the probabilities of each of these events, respectively. Then 84 = p/r, and p+r+x = 1. Substituting and rearranging terms, tt follows that p = 84(1–x) / 85. If x = 0, the probability of E is p = 84/85 = 0.988. If x = 1/10, p = (9/10)×(84/85) = 0.889. 4/
Journalists have picked up on the 99% figure — in some strange ways. The BBC announced that the Forensic Anthropology article “claims they have a 99% match, contradicting an earlier conclusion.” 5/ But being in the upper percentile on a list of distances is not the same as being 99% similar. Fox News crowed  that “Amelia Earhart Disappearance '99 Percent' Solved,” 6/ whatever that may mean.

Other than seeming to conflate the likelihood ratio of 84 with the odds in favor of Earhart, the article does not contend that the probability that the bones are Earhart's is at least 99%. Hewing to the proper interpretation of likelihood as a measure of support for a hypothesis, Professor Jantz wrote that his “analysis ... strongly supports the conclusion that the Nikumaroro bones belonged to Amelia Earhart.” He did go on to mention Bayes' rule and to illustrate what the posterior probability of this hypothesis might be, but following the recommended forensic practice, he did not settle on a specific prior probability. 7/ That probability turns on the non-anthropological information in the case — things like the fact that the Coast Guard cutter off of Howard Island received radio transmissions from Earhart (suggesting that she was not near Nikumaroro Island). Nevertheless, the article seems to propose that the bone lengths in and of themselves prove that the remains probably are Earhart's. It states that:
If [the] sex estimate, can be set aside, it becomes possible to focus attention on the central question of whether the Nikumaroro bones may have been the remains of Amelia Earhart. There is no credible evidence that would support excluding them. On the contrary, there are good reasons for including them. The bones are consistent with Earhart in all respects we know or can reasonably infer. Her height is entirely consistent with the bones. The skull measurements are at least suggestive of female. But most convincing is the similarity of the bone lengths to the reconstructed lengths of Earhart’s bones. Likelihood ratios of 84–154 would not qualify as a positive identification by the criteria of modern forensic practice, where likelihood ratios are often millions or more. They do qualify as what is often called the preponderance of the evidence, that is, it is more likely than not the Nikumaroro bones were (or are, if they still exist) those of Amelia Earhart. If the bones do not belong to Amelia Earhart, then they are from someone very similar to her. And, as we have seen, a random individual has a very low probability of possessing that degree of similarity.
Contrary to the highlighted text, likelihood ratios of 84–154 do not necessarily mean that evidence satisfies the preponderance-of-the-evidence or more-probable-than-not standard of most civil litigation. The legal standard applies to a posterior probability, not to a likelihood ratio standing alone. 8/ Even a large likelihood ratio may not suffice to overcome a small prior probability. (That is what happened in the coin-flipping example of Box 1.) Conversely, even a small likelihood ratio may be enough to boost a prior probability into the more-probable-than-not range.

Professor Jantz recognizes that no one can resolve the historical mystery on the basis of his statistical analysis alone. He writes:
Ideally in forensic practice a posterior probability that remains belong to a victim can be obtained. Likelihood ratios can be converted to posterior odds by multiplying by the prior odds. For example, if we think the prior odds of Amelia Earhart having been on Nikumaroro Island are 10:1, then the likelihood ratios given above become 840–1,540, and the posterior probability is 0.999 in both cases. The prior odds or prior probability pertain to information available before skeletal evidence is considered. It is often impossible to assign specific numbers to the prior probability, because it depends on how the non-osteological evidence is evaluated, and different people will usually evaluate it differently. In jury trials, experts are often advised to testify only to the likelihood ratio developed from the biological evidence. The jury then supplies its own prior odds based on the entire context (e.g., Steadman et al. 2006).
Judging the entire historical record, Jantz adopts a high prior probability (perhaps higher than the 10:1 figure for the prior odds quoted above) to conclude that “[u]ntil definitive evidence is presented that the remains are not those of Amelia Earhart, the most convincing argument is that they are hers.” In other words, the product of the moderately large likelihood ratio and the prior odds (already sufficient to establish a preponderance) is so large that only definitive evidence for an alternative hypothesis could possibly overcome it.

* * *

In the end, do “modern methods produce results that suggest a 99 percent certainty that the bones belonged to Earhart,” as a respected fact-checking website concluded? 8/ Well, the “modern methods” try to exploit the anthropological data more fully than the earlier analyses, but any conclusion about “the certainty that the bones belonged to Earhart” necessarily rests on a judgment of other information as well — the radio transmissions received by the Coast Guard cutter, the failure to spot any signs of Earhart’s presence in a contemporaneous search of the island, other artifacts found on the island in later investigations, and much more.

Professor Jantz is widely reported to have a personal probability of 99% for Earhart as the source of the remains. ABC News, for example, quoted him as stating that "I am 99 percent sure that these bones belong to Amelia Earhart." 10/ This level of belief may be appropriate, based on his review of all the historical information and his latest statistical analysis of the bone lengths. But the article, at least, does not assign a posterior probability to what it presents as “the most convincing argument,” and a forensic anthropologist who did so in court would be relying on knowledge from outside the realm of forensic osteology.

NOTES
  1. Richard L. Jantz, Amelia Earhart and the Nikumaroro Bones: A 1941 Analysis versus Modern Quantitative Techniques, 1(2) Forensic Anthropology 1-16 (2018), available at http://journals.upress.ufl.edu/fa/article/view/525/518.
  2. James Rogers, Amelia Earhart Mystery Solved? Scientist '99 Percent' Sure Bones Found Belong to Aviator, Fox News, Mar. 7, 2018, http://www.foxnews.com/science/2018/03/07/amelia-earhart-mystery-solved-scientist-99-percent-sure-bones-found-belong-to-aviator.html.
  3. The length estimates for Earhart's bones are not exact, bootstrapping is not the same as drawing repeated probability samples from the desired population, and (as discussed in the article) deriving a likelihood ratio involves categorizing continuous measurements into discrete intervals whose size is somewhat arbitrary. Accounting for these sources of uncertainty would produce a broader range of plausible likelihood ratios.
  4. Jantz argues that the sizes of the recovered bones are less typical of Pacific Islanders than of “Euro-Americans,” but the article does not maintain that the probability of a different ancestry is zero or that it should be ignored.
  5. Amelia Earhart: Island Bones 'Likely' Belonged to Famed Pilot, BBC News, Mar. 8, 2018, http://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-43323944.
  6. Rogers, supra note 2.
  7. Cf. Ira M. Ellman & David H. Kaye, Probabilities and Proof: Can HLA and Blood Test Evidence Prove Paternity?, 55 NYU L. Rev. 1131 (1979), available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=1466964.
  8. See, e.g., John Kaplan, Decision Theory and the Factfinding Process, 20 Stan. L. Rev. 1065 (1968); David H. Kaye, Clarifying the Burden of Persuasion: What Bayesian Decision Rules Do and Do Not Do, 3 Int'l J. Evid. & Proof 1 (1999), available at http:/ssrn.com/abstract=2702990
  9. Alex Kasprak, Have Amelia Earhart’s Remains Been Located?, Mar. 15, 2018, https://www.snopes.com/fact-check/amelia-earharts-remains-located/.
  10. E.g., Professor Believes Bones Found on Pacific Island Belong to Amelia Earhart, ABC7 Eyewitness News, http://abc7chicago.com/science/professor-believes-bones-found-on-pacific-island-belong-to-amelia-earhart/3190174/.